
The
Seven Pillars Of Jewish Denial
By Kim
Chernin Tikkun
I
am thinking about American Jews, wondering why so many of
us have trouble being critical of Israel. I faced this difficulty
myself when I first went to Israel in 1971. I was an ardent
Zionist, intending to spend my life on a kibbutz in the Galilee
and to become an Israeli citizen. Back home, before leaving,
I argued almost daily with my mother, an extreme left wing
radical, about the Jews' right to a homeland in our historical
and therefore inalienable setting. However, once established
on my kibbutz on the Lebanese border, I began to notice things
that disrupted my complacency.
We used to ride down to our orchards on kibbutz trucks with
Arab workers fro m the neighboring villages and were occasionally
invited to visit. We liked sitting on a rug on a dirt floor,
eating food cooked over an open fire, drinking water from
the village well. Above all, we loved the kerosene lamps that
were lit and set in a half circle around us as it grew dark.
But walking home it occurred to me that our kibbutz had running
water, electricity, modern stoves. Our neighbors were gracious,
generous, and friendly, although I had learned by then that
the land the kibbutz occupied had once belonged to them. We
were living on land that was once theirs, under material conditions
they could not hope to equal. I found this troubling.
The path from this troubled awareness to my later ability
to be critical of Israel has been long and complex. Over the
years I have spoken with other Jews who have traveled this
same path, and to many more who haven't. In each of us I have
detected mental obstacles that make it hard, sometimes impossible,
for us to see what is there before our eyes. Our inability
to engage in critical thought aboutour troubled homeland is
entangled by crucial questions about Jewish identity. Why
do American Jews find it difficult to be critical of Israel?
Here, setout in linear form, are seven obstacles to a Jew's
ability to be critical of Israel.
Seven Obstacles:
1. A conviction that Jews are always in danger, always have
been, and therefore are in danger now.
Which leads to:
2. The insistence that a criticism is an attack and will lead
to our destruction.
Which is rooted in:
3. The supposition that any negativity towards Jews (or Israel)
is a sign of
anti-Semitism and will (again, inevitably) lead to our destruction.
Which is enhanced by:
4. Survivor's guilt.
Which contains within itself:
5. A hidden belief that we can change the past. Which holds:
6. An even more hidden belief that a sufficient amountof suffering
confers the right to violence.
Which finally brings us to:
7. The conviction that our beliefs, our ideology (or theology),
matter more than the lives of other human beings.
Obstacles: Conviction
The first three obstacles reveal a cluster of convictions
about Jewish endangerment which tend to reinforce one another
in insidious ways. We can trace the developmentof this consciousness.
It goes something like this: We keep a watchful eye out, we
read the signs, we detect innuendo, we summon evidence, we
become, as we imagine it, the ever-vigilant guardians of our
people's survival. Endangered as we imagine ourselves to be;
endangered as we insist we are, any negativity, criticism,
or reproach, even from one of our own, takes on exaggerated
dimensions; we come to perceive such criticism as a life-threatening
attack.
The path to fear is clear. Butour proclivity for this perception
is itself one of our unrecognized dangers. Bit by bit, as
we gather evidence to establish our perilous position in the
world, we are brought to a selective perception of that world.
With our attention focused on ourselves as the endangered
species, it seems to follow that we ourselves can do no harm.
We are so busy warding off danger we become unaware that we
endanger others. We fill up, we occupy, all the endangerment-space.
When other people clamor for a portion we believe they are
trying to deny us our right to this ground. At its most vehement,
our sense of ever-impending Jewish peril brings down on us
a willed ignorance, an almost perfect blindness, to the endangermentof
others and to the role we might play in it.
When I lived in Israel I practiced selective perception. I
was elated by our little kibbutz on the Lebanese border until
I recognized that we were living on land that had belonged
to our Arab neighbors. When I didn't ask how we had come to
acquire that land, I practiced blindness. Long before I went
to Israel, my mother would bring out a rolled up poster of
a Palestinian youth. Without saying a word, she would unroll
it and hold it up. It showed a very young man lying in the
road in a pool of his own blood.
This image had caused a major family breakdown when she showed
it to her brother, who stormed out without saying goodbye
and didn't speak to her again for years. On another occasion,
there was an even more violent scene with th e father of an
old high school friend of mine. My mother unrolled the poster,
he jumped up from the couch, raised his fist at her, and stormed
from the room. Before slamming the door behind him, he shouted
back: "This time, Rose , you've gone too far. Next thing,
you'll be calling Israeli soldiers." Here he caught himself,
but couldn't hold back. "You'll be calling Jewish people
who defend their lives." Another break, and then, finally,
the unthinkable word: "You'll be calling us fascists."
Slam. My friend and I looked at my mother in shock, amazed
to find her silent and unperturbed. Between us, between my
mother and myself, I was the one still practicing blindness.
Where my mother saw martyrdom, victimization, tragedy in the
image of the fallen youth, I saw a dangerous enemy stopped
short in his effort to destroy our people. My friend's father,
who lived in constant dread of Jewish annihilation, may have
seen a necessary vengeance, an image of justice. I don't know
what my friend saw. I drove her home in silence and we never
met up with one another again. My mother, for her part, never
said a word. When I stared at her she merely narrowed her
eyes and looked back with an expression that implied: "Am
I afraid of a word? Am I going to let a word keep me from
seeing?"
The fixed certainty of impending Jewish destruction. Wherever
we look, we see nothing but its confirmation, the same old
story, always about to happen. In the grip of this persuasion,
any other possibilities of meaning are swept away; we are
unable to imagine things, even for a split second, from another's
pointof view. It took me years to overcome this blindness.
My thoughts would return to the scene in my mother's living
room; I would pore over the image, the outrage, the silence.
One day, during an enormous inner struggle, mostof what I
believed about most of what mattered most to me fell apart.
(Buber refers to such an event as "an elemental reversal,
a crisis and a shock") Years of images and impressions
I had kept atone remove came resoundingly together. I saw
what my mother had seen: A boy gunned down by a superior military
force; a very young man fighting for the survival of his people,
who were far more endangered that ours. Wherever we look,
we see nothing but impending Jewish destruction.
To see a people far more endangered than ours: step one in
the dismantling of blindness.
Obstacles: Survivor's guilt
Guilt goes something like this:
I was walking across the beautiful square in Nuremburg a couple
of years ago and stopped to read a public sign. It told this
story: During the Middle Ages, the town governing body, wishing
to clea r space for a square, burned out, burned down, and
burned up the Jews who had formerly filled up the space. End
of story. After that, I felt very uneasy walking through the
square and I eventually stopped doing it.
I felt endangered, of course, a woman going about through
Germany wearing a star of David. But more than that, I experienced
a conspicuous and dreadful self-reproach at being so alive,
so happily on vacation, now that I had come to think about
the murder of my people hundreds of years before. After reading
that plaque I stopped enjoying myself and began to look for
other signs and traces of the mistreatmentof the former Jewish
community. If I had stayed longer in Nuremburg, if I had gone
further in this direction, I might soon have come to believe
that I, personally, and my people, currently, were threatened
by the contemporary Germans eating ice cream in outdoor cafe's
in the square. How much more potent this tendency for alarm
must be in the Middle East, in the middle of a war zone!
What was the reasoning underlying my fear? If we live in a
world as dangerou s to us as the Holocaust was to our people,
we can be that much closer to the victims of the Holocaust,
we can know their apprehension and terror; perhaps we may
even succeed in taking their suffering upon ourselves. No
one holds these beliefs knowingly. But they hold on to us:
in a tragically paradoxical way, our guilt brings us to magnify
our vulnerability. It seems that no victory on the Israeli
side, no crushing of the perceived enemy, no destruction of
their wells or complete dismantling of their infrastructure,
can change our fear that they will defeat us or alter this
perception of ever-present danger.
We will not let it happen again. But this claim, which seems
to point exclusively into the future, is also yoked to our
inability to accept the past. By keeping the past alive, by
living it all over again, we attempt to alter it. Hidden within
the militant "never again," is the anguished, impossible
cry: "It will never have happened."
There is a widespread assumption among our people that the
vanished victims of the Holocaust would approve of what we
do to make sure their fate cannot again befall the Jewish
people. Is it fair, however, to assume that their suffering
and death would hold no other meaning for them than a recourse
to violence, vengeance, and paranoia?
Some of our people, listening in on our ancestors' imagined,
other-worldly discourse, hear only the endless repetition
of the never again.
I hear, not in my name.
There is a new poster. It shows a single Palestinian woman
facing a massive Israeli bulldozer. Looking at this image
one immediately understands what Primo Levi (a survivor) meant
when he claimed that the Palestinians are the Jews of the
Middle East. Can we face the fact that we make use of the
Holocaust as a way of refusing to see our own lamentable actions?
I hate this idea. It is, I think, the harshest moral reproach
I have ever directed against myself. I can just about tolerate
the idea of a survivor guilt that exaggerates my sense of
vulnerability and leads me to perceive danger and an enemy
where there may be instead a suffering neighbor. Can I, (can
we), really face the idea that we are using the six million,
hiding behind them, importing our own meanings into their
suffering and death, usin g their victimhood for propaganda?
It took me a long time to face this charge; to recognize that
some partof my ever-increasing concern with Holocaust victims,
Holocaust books, and first-person Holocaust accounts, was
serving a s a cover up, distracting my gaze from a living
struggle in which another people were enduring a victimization
for which we Jews were responsible.
For which we Jews are responsible.
Arafat is not Hitler. The Palestinian terrorists are not the
SS. We are no longer the victims. The world has changed, but
Jewish identity has not kept up with it. If we lived in the
present, we would have to acknowledge that the Jewish people
of the twenty-first century are no longer the world's foremost
endangered species. We would have to recognize that we, as
a people, are ourselves capable of victimization. Seeing ourselves
as ordinary people, not victims: Step two in the dismantling
of blindness.
Obstacle 6. Suffering, Violence
The Israeli army that defends our homeland behaves brutally,
uses torture, fires upon innocent civilians. What justifies
the behavior of this army? We call it self-defense but this
is, I suggest, only the surface of our justification. Further
down, tucked carefully away in our collective psyche, we find
a sense of entitlement aboutour violence. Our historic suffering,
a s a people, entitles us to the violence of our current behavior.
Our violence is not horrendous and cruel like the violence
of other people, but is a justified, sacred violence, a holy
war. Of course, we would not want to know this aboutourselves,
it would make us too much like the perceived en emy whose
violence against us we are deploring. When the suicide bomber
blows up a hotel full of Passover celebrants, we see clearly
that this is an instance of hateful, unjustifiable violence.
(And it is, it is.) When we destroy a refugee camp of impoverished
Palestinians, this, in our eyes, is a violence purified by
our history of persecution. (And it is not, it is not.) We
are puzzled that much of the world doesn't see our situation
in the same way.
I think many of us hold this view of purified Jewish violence
without being aware of it. Though we rarely admit it, the
Torah is full of ancient stories marked by tribal violence
done in the name of Jehovah. We know the story of Elijah wrangling
with the prophets of Baal on Mt. Carmel. The prophet wins
a clear victory for Jehovah over the Canaanite gods. We know,
but don't make much of the fact as we retell the story, that
after Elijah won the contest on Jehovah's behalf he took the
prophets of Baal down to the brook Kishon and slew them there.
All 450 of them. I have not heard of or read a midrash that
elaborates this massacre.
I recently wrote an article about the traces of Goddess worship
in the Torah . When I cited this example of Elijah and prophets,
my three editors, all intelligent and well-educated Jewish
women, were uneasily eager to have me supply a footnote for
this contentious assertion. They were as surprised as I initially
had been to discover that the accountof this violence was
in the Torah itself. And yet they had certainly read Kings
II.
In a similar vein: We celebrate the military victories of
Joshua. But do we really take in what they involved? "Joshua,
and all Israel with him, went on up from Elon to Hebron.
They attacked it, took it and struck it with the edge of the
sword, with its king, all the places belonging to it and every
living creature in it (my italics, Josh. 10:37)." I have
yet to hear a rabbi help us imagine this even t in which women
and children, the very young and the very old, are put to
the sword.
Our sense of victimization as a people works in a dangerous
and seditious wa y againstour capacity to know, to recognize,
to name and to remember. Since w e have adopted ourselves
as victims we cannot correctly read our own history let alone
our present circumstances. Even where the story of our violence
is set down in a sacred text that we pore over again and again,
we cannot see it. Our self-election as the people most likely
to be victimized obscures rather than clarifies our own tradition.
I can't count the number of times I read the story of Joshua
as a tale of our people coming into their rightful possession
of their promised land without stopping to say to myself,
"but this is a history of rape, plunder, slaughter, invasion
and destruction of other peoples." As such, it bears
an uncomfortably close resemblance to the behavior of Israeli
settlers and the Israeli army of today, a behavior we also
cannot see for what it is.
We are tracing the serpentine path of our own psychology.
We find itorganized around a persuasion of victimization,
which leads to a sense of entitlement to enact violence, which
brings about an inevitable distortion i n the way we perceive
both our Jewish identity and the world, and involves us finally
in a tricky relationship to language. That boy over there
with the black face mask and a rock. That is a terrorist.
That boy over here with a sub-machine gun, firing on the boy
with the rock, he is a soldier.
A trick of language? A highly dangerous trick. I was once
persuaded to show up for rifle training when I lived on my
kibbutz, although as an American citizen I wasn't required
to attend. And whom did I imagine I would shoot? And kill?
I, who cannot kill a moth? I never imagined it had to do with
killing. Because of the language I used (I lift this rifle
in defense of my beleaguered homeland) the training became
a clean act, necessary, not even i n need of justification.
Accepting our own history of violence. Step three in the dismantling
of blindness.
Obstacle 7. Ideology vs. Living People?
Some American Jews will soon setout to join settlements on
the West Bank or to volunteer for the Israeli army. Others
are going to Ramallah to help the Palestinians, hoping that
their presence there will make it harder to smash through
the city with tanks, randomly killing civilians. Still others
are talking about a peace brigade that will be established
along the border, a human buffer zone between the Israelis
and the Palestinians.
Jewish identity, stretched out between these extremes, is
up for grabs. Atone extreme, the decision to further occupy
the West Bank is guided by a sense of Jewish destiny and by
an ideology that claims Judea and Samaria as Jewish sacred
ground. These claims are based on archaic conversations with
God. The Orthodox families moving to the settlements will
set themselves dow n among a hostile population, will be trained
to shoot, and will participate i n the further partition of
Palestinian lands. They will take up a great deal o f the
water when there is already not enough water for their neighbors,
many o f whom go for days without being able to wash or even
drink. In service to an archaic idea these people will see
their Arab neighbors, not as a humbled, battered, impoverished,
hopeless people, but as a potent enemy living illegitimately
on ancient Jewish land. In the grip of ideology some things
get neglected. Living people, the present, the sanctity of
civilian life become less important than what, exactly? An
idea? The idea of the Jewish people as chosen by God, living
out a covenant with Him?
When I first went to Israel in 1971 I was on my way to a new
kibbutz in the Golan Heights. It was a bleak, grim, heavily
armed place with living conditions as rough as those faced
by the early pioneers. There were no tree s on this kibbutz,
no gardens, no fields, no grazing animals. It was an armed
camp made up of mud, reserve forces, and young Israelis who
were there to hold the newly acquired land. I was convinced
that I belonged with them, although I was not invited to stay.
Today I want to ask that younger self What can it mean to
be God's people if this election does not come with a concern
for all living peoples? Would it mean that the God who once
spoke to our people has nothing new to say?
Our God is a God of many changes. The old warrior God who
has had nothing new to say for thousands of years has been
able, over time, to unfold aspects of Himself our Israelite
ancestors would have found surprising. In talmudic thought
the war-like, conquering diety evolves into a God of profound
ethical concerns. He has revealed the Shechinah, his female,
compassionate side, who comes to her children on the Sabbath
and goes out with us into exile. She has, along the way, shown
herself to be in love with a good story. She inspires midrashim,
cherishing them as much as stories and teachings regarde d
as more sacred. She rejoices as women speak to her through
their own prayers and rituals in settings that for too long
excluded women. She is a God of perpetual unfolding; we, her
people, inherit a tradition that asks for and imposes on us
the work of continual renewal. Compassion, service, and a
concern for justice are the imperative expressions of our
divine worship. Call to Prayer, Call to Action
What Judaism means and will come to mean follows from the
choices we make today. Our acts, as Jews, promote or defeat
the crucial purpose of Judaism, to maintain a potent, living,
intimate relationship to a divine force that tear s through
the universe busily promoting transformation. The call of
this presence, as I experience it sitting here at my desk,
is towards community and action, to the awareness that if
we can't do everything we can still do something.
We can clarify our vision. There is no reason we must continue
to live either in survivor's guiltor in a sense of our inevitable
victimization as Jews. We need not take refuge in an entitlement
to violence or a remorseless emphasis upon our suffering.
We can see the world as it is, not as it was or as we hope
or fear it might be. We can enlarge our sense of Jewish identity
to include both vulnerability and aggression. We do not have
to be blind. We can see and we can act.
If we don't happen to be the people called to Ramallah we
are certainly the people who can join the long march to social
justice. We can:
take on the conservative policies of the established Jewish
institutions, incessantly pester the White House and Congress
to intervene in the Middle East, join organizations that support
a Judaism of radical commitment to social justice.
Challenge, pester, join they do not seem to have the epic
scope required by events that involve so much suffering and
death. But it would be a mistake to diminish their significance.
They stand well within the radical challenge the prophets
have always made to the conservative Jewish establishment;
they direct themselves, against all odds, toward formidable
obstacles and will require the staying power of a visionary,
activist community. These commitments, in our time, in a world
in crisis, must be recognized as an essential form of Jewish
prayer. But are we, as a people, still capable of prayer?
How will we manage to pray , we who have just seen this:
Wednesday, June 19, 02. 7:10 am.
Eyewitness.
Fifteen-year-old girl:
People coming aparto my god right in frontof us all over the
place. O my god, o my god. Mama gets out of our car. Mama
steps on a finger. Let's getoutof here Mama, let's go, let's
run, let's get away. If you walk in the street you will fall,
you will slip in the blood, Mama says we have to help them,
Mama says never take the bus, walk everywhere we have to go.
Could happen, any day, any minute, look around, look over
your shoulder, keep an eye out. That's me, screaming no no
no no no no no. That's me shouting get them, get them, make
them stop, do something, kill all of them.
We who have just seen, who know, who have witnessed, if we
are to pray, we will have to call upon the highest developmentof
our Jewish God, evoking th e compassion of the Shechinah and
the traditional female abhorrence for violence. We will have
to imagine the midrashim that will, in time, inevitably be
told to our ethical God about the struggles between Israel
and
Palestine. In this crisis we need a divine presence who is
still talking to us and is closely in touch with the contemporary
world of our people, so that, when we are able to pray, our
prayers might sound like this:
Make it possible for us not to seek vengeance. Help us to
find the way that is not the way of violence. Teach us to
grieve without turning into those who have brought us to grief.
Help us to remember the innocence of the innocent. Teach us
to remember ourselves, a holy people. If compassion is not
possible for us, If love is not possible for us, Teach us
not to hate
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